Home Issues Vol. This paper deals with the new increasing trans-border movements between two neighboring countries that until very recently were separated not only by a national but also by a European border. Emphasis is placed upon the reconsideration of the images migrants used to have before their arrival to Greece through the experience of daily life there. This academic interest is related to phenomena associated with late modernity, such as the inflation and acceleration of the movements of goods, services, information and people around the planet or the reconnection through these processes of places which seemed far remote in the past 2. This is the case of Bulgaria and Greece, both of which have faced new forms of migration since the end of socialism. The former has known a massive external emigration, a phenomenon practically inexistent during socialism, whilst the latter has been transformed from an emigration to an immigration country, receiving immigrants mainly from Balkan states and the former Soviet Union 3. The new increasing trans-border movements at the edges of the European Union, between two neighboring countries that until very recently were separated not only by a national but also by a European border, do not imply only diverse changes of the socioeconomic situation of the persons that move, but are also invested with new meanings and values and signify new ways of defining individual and collective identities 5. Emphasis is placed upon the reconsideration of the images migrants used to have before their arrival to Greece, through the experience of daily life there. Last call of attention is for the diverse self-images that are activated through the migration process as well as for the new power relations involving both the newcomers and the Greeks. The research was based on fieldwork including participatory observation and interviews with Bulgarian migrants in Athens rabota v berlin escort the semi-urban area of Marathonas 8. In contrast to most recent social research on migration in Greece, which draws on quantitative data and on the institutional aspects of the new migration legislation, official policies and discoursethis anthropological research attempts to turn to the unofficial aspects of migration, focusing on qualitative data and life stories 9. Thus, by giving voice to the discourse of the migrants themselves it explores the ways in which they perceive both European and Greek society, redefining their identities through the migration process Their massive arrival in the country started almost a decade latter than that of the Albanians, at the end of the s and continues until nowadays Bulgarian migrants in Greece are mainly Christian women 13 of working age, who move individually, usually leaving their family back. They undertake, legally or illegally, unskilled jobs as agricultural workers, house-cleaners, baby sitters and private nurses for elder people. They also work in restaurants or bars as waitresses, cleaners or cooks and in the entertainment, including sex services They mention that the basic reason for crossing the borders was the important difference of wages between the two countries. Many of them stress that they would not have come in Greece if this difference did not exist. Consequently, the border signifies economic differences and makes mobility profitable in this case of migration, as in rabota v berlin escort other cases, since it produces value through economic inequalities that exist on both sides Some refer to unemployment as a motive for migration but most of them had a job and were owners of a house or apartment in Bulgaria. Nevertheless, the salaries they received were too small to allow themselves and their families to save money or satisfy their needs, such as the education of their children, the maintenance of their apartment or, more rarely, the acquisition of a house. So the sense of moving to a familiar and proximate country was a crucial factor determining the choice of Greece in comparison to other EU countries. Many of my younger co-discussants envisaged Greece as a first stop in their movement towards another European country, whilst older ones preferred Greece exactly because of its proximity, as they considered that they were migrating temporarily although the duration of their stay was not clear to them and that the movement back and forth between the two counties was possible. Few had traveled abroad before their migrant experience, almost exclusively to countries of the ex-socialist block. So most of their images were constructed either through the narratives of relatives, colleagues, or neighbors who had migrated to Greece - or had heard from other people who had done so - or through the various Greek movies and soap operas that pass in the Bulgarian television the last years. Some of them, the most educated ones, had an idealized image of Greece, associated with the antiquity and with the ancient Greek civilization, drawn from their school education or from their personal readings. And nobody made any long-term preliminary preparations, as for example learning Greek before arriving there As most persons have crossed the borders by bus, in their descriptions they refer to the difference and beauty of the scenery: the sea, the lack of green compared with Bulgaria, the nice weather. Their disappointment and disillusionment is associated with the lack of involvement and assistance, towards them as migrants, from both the Bulgarian and the Greek state. Most of them collected all the practical information about the trip from relatives and acquaintances who had already migrated and were familiar with the procedures. They traveled with one of the specialized Greek-Bulgarian tourist firms that assure the visa and organize the trip to Greece. Upon their arrival, they have been initially hosted by acquaintances who also helped them to find their first job. Many of them, especially women, underline that the presence of relatives or acquaintances was a decisive factor that oriented them towards Greece. In other cases, they have been settled in one of the hotels reserved for immigrants in the center of Athens and they have been addressed for a job to a specialized office. As there is no bilateral agreement between the two countries to provide a framework to this mobility, migrants try to resolve the problems of their movement towards Greece as well as those associated with their residence and their search for a job through these complex networks, in which rabota v berlin escort Greek and Bulgarians are involved. Since structures of accommodation do not exist, as it is the case in other EU countries, the presence of the state in all these procedures is limited and usually becomes synonym of maltreatment and inefficiency. For all these reasons migrants turn to private sector and to personal contacts to deal with permanent or less permanent hardships in the new country Many have legalized their status in Greece and regularly apply for the actualization of their official documents. Especially for rabota v berlin escort that left their family behind, the official documents are of first importance since they can circulate back and forth freely, and this is the reason they seek to have a legitimate status despite the efforts demanded and the important financial cost of the procedure. They are employed at seasonal or short-term jobs, they change frequently place of work and residence, employers and sector of work, often moving from rural to urban areas and vice versa They claim living under stress, fear and insecurity related to lack of legal status, insufficient knowledge of the language, distance from their relatives and cohabitation with people they know very little and who are often old and sick. In most of the cases the first trip to Bulgaria takes place after three or five years, time necessary to legalize their situation in Greece and being able to circulate without any major difficulties inside and outside the country.
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